* * * * *
"I am
from la frontera, meaning "frontier" in Spanish but translated in
English as "border." The news over the past few weeks might make you
think that places such as my hometown — McAllen, Tex., in the Rio Grande Valley
— are under siege from waves of undocumented immigrants and asylum seekers, a
crisis of lawlessness so extreme that drastic measures are needed. Tearing
children from their parents, or, when that proves too unpopular, corralling
families in tent cities. Then there's the $25 billion wall that's needed to
safeguard the United States from the threat of being overrun.
"The view from down here is different. In a 2018 rating of the 100 most dangerous cities in the United States based on FBI data, no border cities — not San Diego, not Texas cities such as Brownsville, Laredo or El Paso — appeared even in the top 60. McAllen's crime rate was lower than Houston's or Dallas's, according to Texas Monthly in 2015. The Cato Institute's research consistently shows that immigrants, both legal and undocumented, are markedly less likely to commit crimes than native-born Americans.
"In the
U.S. borderlands with Mexico, our inherent duality is what helps our
communities thrive. We work hard, attend school and worship just as Americans
do all across the nation. Yet we are overwhelmingly Latino, and a quarter of us
are foreign-born. We are here and there. Some of us were born here, and some of
us were not. But it doesn't matter — pero ni modo — all are welcome.
"Maybe it is the composition of the humble communities already established in the borderlands, not the new arrivals, that so alarms some politicians and pundits.
Maybe that is why militarizing a region supposedly in crisis has come to be
seen as an acceptable idea. In 2016, Texas deployed 250 state troopers to our
region, and in 2017, Gov. Greg Abbott (R) signed off on an $800 million
allocation for border security (yet vetoed nearly $860,000 for the Colonias
Initiative Project, a long-running state effort to help poor communities on the
Texas border obtain drinking water, wastewater service and roads).
"This year, Congress approved 100 miles of border wall, and federal authorities are
beginning the process of seizing land for it in my hometown. In April, the
Defense Department began sending National Guard personnel to the border with
Mexico, with as many as 4,000 troops authorized for deployment. The number of
U.S. Border Patrol agents at the border is also rising.
"The government has a responsibility to police the nation's borders, and I am grateful for the people who keep us safe. But today's military presence and stepped-up law enforcement remind me that this isn't the first time that politicians have used Texas's southern border to burnish their tough-on-crime credentials.
"In 1915,
the Texas Rangers were sent to establish control of the border when the Mexican
Revolution prompted an increase in Mexican immigration and a threat to Anglo
dominance in the region. Rangers and civilian vigilantes massacred hundreds of
Tejanos with no repercussions.
"Nothing
so extreme is conceivable today, but killings of immigrants by law enforcement
in the borderlands still happen. In South Texas, we are still waiting to find
out why a U.S. Border Patrol agent in May shot to death Claudia Patricia Gomez
Gonzalez, a 20-year-old Guatemalan. According to news reports, she was trained
as an accountant and, unable to find work, had traveled 1,500 miles in search
of a better life. She was killed a mile into U.S. territory, in Rio Bravo,
about 130 miles from McAllen in the same region where hundreds were massacred
before.
"The
heavy-handed law-enforcement presence in this region creates a climate of fear
and mistrust. Residents are routinely stopped for no clear reason. Texas law
now encourages local law-enforcement officers to hand over to Immigration and
Customs Enforcement people who are in the country illegally. Border Patrol
agents are known to ride with state troopers; in an area that is 88 percent
Latino, routine traffic stops are regarded as a tool for implementing federal
immigration law.
"Enforcement
is ripe for the intimidation of noncitizens and citizens alike. At a Border
Patrol checkpoint 74 miles from the actual border, agents have asked my purpose
for leaving the area.
"I wonder
what will finally placate the fearful people 1,500 miles away who sent these
border agents and National Guard troops to the borderlands. More checkpoints,
more families detained, vaster tent cities? Maybe the wall they dream of? For
most people, or most open-minded people, a simple visit might be enough to be
reassured that this is not a scary place. It's my home. Mi frontera. My
frontier."
How long will it take us to reconstruct our democracy, to restore the trust of the people in their government, even in the most sacrosanct counterintelligence services, where Trump has sown doubt, mistrust, and even paranoia? When will this civil war be over so we can begin the reconstruction and restoration of trust?
* * * * *
Exaggerating danger and portraying oneself as the savior on a white horse is pretty standard political fare. But on immigration, we're seeing this play out on over-dose levels of steroids, enhanced by reality show TV theatrics, and ballyhooed by a master at the misstatement and misuse of facts. In short, we all know by now -- and it is commonly so stated by news anchors -- that Trump lies, all the time.
This is all to the serious detriment, not only to the peace, but also the safety, of communities like McAllen -- and of the nation itself.
How long will it take us to reconstruct our democracy, to restore the trust of the people in their government, even in the most sacrosanct counterintelligence services, where Trump has sown doubt, mistrust, and even paranoia? When will this civil war be over so we can begin the reconstruction and restoration of trust?
Ralph
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